I recently expressed some scepticism at a paper showing that the release of the iPhone explained a third or more of the decline in US fertility. So, I was interested to read this new working paper by Gokhan Kumpas (California State University, Los Angeles), which looks at the effect of broadband coverage on fertility.
Specifically, Kumpas studies broadband expansion to rural areas through the USDA's Broadband Initiatives Program (BIP) and the National Telecommunications and Information Administration’s Broadband Technology Opportunities Program (BTOP), which accepted applications in 2009-10 for broadband expansion. Kumpas identifies counties where applications for the programmes were rejected, using a subset of those counties as a control group to compare with counties where applications were successful. Moreover, Kumpas limits the control group counties to those that most closely matched the pre-treatment trajectory of the treated counties in terms of population growth, in order to deal with any problems of mean reversion.
Kumpas compares fertility among teenage women (aged 15 to 29 years) between 2010-13 and 2018-19, leaving out the intervening years where broadband was being expanded. In his main specification, he finds that broadband rollout:
...reduced the rural teen birth rate by approximately 1.6 per 1,000 in the pre-COVID post period (CHR release years 2018–2019), or about 3 percent of the pre-period baseline of 48.6 per 1,000.
The teenage birth rate for the treated counties fell from 48.6 to 34.0 per 1,000, so based on these results the effect is equivalent to about 11 percent of the 14.6-point decline in the teenage birth rate. Notice that this is a much more modest estimated contribution to fertility decline than that in the iPhone and fertility paper. Moreover, Kumpas has a good theoretical basis for believing that broadband would affect fertility, based on the opportunity cost of fertility work of Kearney and Levine (see here, for example), which:
...predicts that any local shock that meaningfully expands the perceived economic or informational opportunity set young women face should depress teen fertility. Broadband Internet expands the perceived opportunity set through several channels.
First, broadband expands informational access to contraceptive methods, to family-planning service locations and scheduling, and to the comparative costs and consequences of different reproductive choices...
Second, broadband expands access to schooling and credentialing options beyond what is locally available, including online community-college coursework, remote tutoring and test preparation, financial-aid information, and credential-program advertising. The downstream consequence is to raise expected returns to schooling and to deferring family formation.
Third, broadband expands the labor-market opportunity set by making non-local jobs visible and (with telework) accessible.
Kumpas finds results consistent with the first two of these channels, with the effects concentrated in counties that had at least one Title X family planning clinic (with no statistically significant effect in counties without a clinic), and individual-level evidence that high school completion and college attendance increased in treated counties. However, there was no evidence for changes in the adult labour market. These results are suggestive that the contraception-access and education channels explain the results, although they are not definitive.
Now, the analysis relies critically on comparing counties covered by successful applications with those covered by unsuccessful applications. This rejected-applicant comparison is appealing, but it relies on the assumption that the treated and control counties would have followed similar trends in the absence of funding. Kumpas provides considerable evidence in support of that assumption, including by selecting control counties with similar pre-treatment population trends, but it cannot be tested conclusively. Funding decisions were based partly on project benefits, viability, and sustainability, and the applications would have included information about subscriber projections and local demographics. It is therefore possible that factors related to anticipated demographic change influenced both the likelihood of receiving funding and subsequent fertility trends. This is similar to the concern I raised about the iPhone and fertility paper.
Nevertheless, if we take the results at face value it appears that broadband access contributed to reduced teenage births in rural US counties. Let's not get carried away though - broadband explains only around 11 percent of the decline in the teenage birth rate. That is a meaningful proportion, but most of the decline in teenage births happened for other reasons. In other words, fertility would have declined substantially even without the contribution of broadband access.
Read more:
- The pandemic 'baby bust' in other countries
- Cohort effects and the downturn in US fertility since the Great Recession
- The new economics of fertility
- The economics of the falling total fertility rate in New Zealand
- The economics of fertility in high-income countries
- Can fertility return to replacement levels?
- You can make future population decline disappear just by changing the way you categorise people and fertility
- The modest impact of Australia's baby bonus on fertility timing
- My take on that iPhone-fertility paper
